http://radioamerikanow.com/?p=10240
This blog is dedicated to the conceptual and empirical development of parasociology, a sub-discipline of sociology studying how societies and paranormal or “psi” phenomena interact. It looks into phenomena like UFOs, Marian Apparitions, Poltergeists, and Parapsychology.
Tuesday, April 19, 2016
Saturday, April 9, 2016
Friday, February 12, 2016
Sunday, February 7, 2016
Interview with Paracast
Dear all,
I gave another interview, this time with The Paracast. It is available at:
http://www.theparacast.com/ podcast/now-playing-february- 7-2016-eric-ouelett/
And more to come soon.
I gave another interview, this time with The Paracast. It is available at:
http://www.theparacast.com/
And more to come soon.
Tuesday, February 2, 2016
Could UFO sightings be considered as apparitions?
Students of the paranormal have spent a lot of energy since
the 19th century trying to understand a phenomenon that came to be
known as “apparitions”. This words usually evokes images of the Spiritism séances
operating in semi-darkness led by a mysterious medium showing ectoplasmic
material moving on its own. A classic book on the topic, Phenomena of Materialization, by the Baron Von Schrenck Notzing published
in its English version in 1923, is still reprinted today. Similarly, the
various research conducted by the Society for Psychical Research on ghosts and
haunting were essentially focussed on apparitions. Once again, we can cite the
famous study Phantasms of the Living by
Edmund Gurney, Frederic Myers, and Frank Podmore, published in 1886.
Of course, a number of observers have made a connection
between some of the UFO experience
and the literature on apparitions. Jacques Vallée in Passport to Magonia, published in 1969, established a number of
similarities between folkloric apparitions and UFO occupant reports. We can
also note that the so-called encounters of the fourth kind (alien abductions)
have also a lot in common with more classic apparitional experiences. The
famous parapsychologist Scott Rogo wrote UFO
Abductions in 1980, concluding along those lines. Taking an even wider
perspective, Hilary Evans published in 1984 Vision,
Apparitions, Alien Visitors: A contemporary study of the entity enigma,
where he shows that UFO occupants, ghosts, religious visions, etc., have also a
lot in common once the experience is analyzed outside the beliefs system that
surrounds each of them. Finally, Jenny Randles, in Mind Monsters (1990), looking at a variety of odd and
unclassifiable stories proposed conclusions quite similar to Evans.
The real question here is whether most UFO events are not in the end apparitional experiences? The
Hynek typology of 1st to 3rd kind encounter, which has
been quite central to ufology, and the so-called extra-terrestrial hypothesis
(ETH) have created a mental construct where the concept of apparition only
applies when one sees the UFO “driver”. But this need not to be.
The first mental hurdle to deal with is that one does not need to have a non-human entity to see an apparition. Stories of ghost ships, which are normally considered as apparitions, have been around for a long time, and do not necessarily involve any ghost sailors. Ghost airships, and ghost planes were often considered as apparitions, even if no “driver” was seen. More recently, stories of ghost cars without a driver have been part of modern folklore. In effect, an apparition is simply sensing something external that has no known explanations to the witness; it is an anomaly.
The second mental hurdle is linked to the notion of
hallucination. If someone sees an apparition and there is no physical object
actually present, then one is considered as not mentally well, and hence the
experience is declared irrelevant. The fact that there would be no actual
physical object does not mean that the person is mentally ill. In fact, the vast
majority of apparitional reports (of all kinds) are coming from mentally fit
individuals. The lack of physical object does not preclude the possibility that
there might be an external input. An apparition might be considered
as information (oftentimes visual, but not always) acquired through non-normal
means, which is the actual definition of Extra-Sensory Perception (ESP). The
role of telepathic hallucinations in ghost and haunting experiences has been
suspected for a long time by those who seriously studied such phenomena. Logically,
there is no reason why UFO events would not be apparitions as well.
For instance, I was appraised of a very recent case in
Hamilton, Ontario, Canada where two groups of people in two separate
automobiles made separate UFO reports without being aware of what happen to the
other group. They were waiting for a light change at a busy intersection in
broad daylight and saw a strange object not far in the horizon, very visible.
We have multiple witnesses in two different and unconnected groups. Yet, in
spite of the fact that the object was perceived as being quite close, no one
else at that busy intersection saw it (otherwise it would have been in the news!).
This event has a lot in common with ghost and haunting experiences where not
all the witness saw something in spite of looking in the same direction. Like a
ghostly apparition it appeared and disappeared suddenly, it left no traces (no
reports of anomaly from the nearby international airport). And interestingly,
in the traditional ghost literature, road intersections were “hot spots” for
ghost sightings. Given the structural similarities of this UFO experience and
ghost haunting, there is no good reason not to consider it an apparition. In
other words, once one removes the ETH mental blinders, then a different picture
emerges.
So, it is possible to construe UFO events, without the presence
of non-human entities, as apparitional experiences. Whether the witnesses
shared telepathically an input coming from somewhere else is difficult to say. But
it is still an anomaly worth investigating, as long as one does not search in
vain for the “UFO drivers”. Another line of inquiry is that if the apparitional
information has been received through ESP, then it is likely to have a symbolic
content that might make sense, but only much later on. This indeed requires a
different approach to UFO investigation, as it is about what the witnesses
may have in common rather than focussing on an “object” that was likely not
there.
Wednesday, January 6, 2016
The Physical Reality of UFOs: How to think about it differently
Dear all,
First, please let me
take this opportunity to wish you all a Happy and Prosperous New Year.
It came to my
attention that Bill Chalker in his blog Theozfiles proposed a short review of my book Illuminations. In his review, he states
that “Dr. Ouellet argues there is no compelling physical evidence for UFOs”.
It is actually
incorrect, but I also think this assessment is based mostly on a misunderstanding
about the physical reality of UFOs. So, I will address this issue more directly
here.
In the book, I do a
tour of the knowledge that is available about the physical aspects of UFOs. The
key word here is “knowledge”; I am not proposing a tour of the physical “evidence”
considered as being linked to UFOs. This is an important distinction. I wanted
to get the readers up to speed with what we know (and I underlined that our
knowledge is still quite limited at this point in time). I was not proposing a
perspective based on where we are at with the speculations linked to the
physical reality of UFOs.
That being said, if
there is some knowledge about the physical reality of UFOs, then by definition there
is a degree of physical reality to UFOs! As well, the book presents a number of
case studies where some physical evidence are presented, and accepted as
evidence. What more is needed to say that there are physical evidence linked to
UFOs? But maybe this was too implicit.
I realize that when
anyone is discussing UFOs, this very very word “UFO” implies dealing with a “foreign
object”. The “O” (for object) in UFO is definitely setting the tone, and this
is why some are preferring the wording “Unexplained Aerial Phenomena” (UAP), as
it is actually less “loaded” because it does not imply necessarily an object
being present. Then, of course, decades of ETH nuts-and-bolts ufology has not
only set the tone but created an unconscious association between “UFO” and “spaceship”
(a hard physical object). In other words, the concept of UFO comes with a lot
of cognitive baggage, which railroads the way we think about it. We seriously need
to break away from such cognitive mold, if we really want to enlarge our understanding
of UFOs.
To do so, we need to
use different mental categories.
Hynek proposed a
useful typology, when it was developed decades ago, covering “Night Lights”, “Day
Discs”, “Radar Tracking”, and the “Close Encounters” of the type 1, 2, and 3.
Implicit in his typology was, once again, “how close the witness was from the
object”. The nuts-and-bolts perspective is actually built-in the typology.
Although he added the issue of degree of “strangeness,” it appears to be in the
end only a measure of the witnesses’ degree of altered state of consciousness.
First, what needs to
be measured from a parapsychological perspective is not how close you are, but how
anomalistic the event is. This, in turn, would provide a useful tool to
assess how rare and unique an event might be, and therefore helping to guide
the search for data (and that’s actually the purpose of any typology).
Based on what is
emerging from general research in parapsychology, it seems that the most common
form of psi events are synchronicities (meaningful coincidences), then comes
various forms of Extra Sensory Perceptions (ESP) (telepathy, premonition,
clairvoyance, etc.), and finally, more rare are various forms of Psychokinesis
(PK) (telekinesis, healings, teleportation, etc.). Hence, a sound typology
would be going from common synchronicity to ESP to PK events. So, here is what
I propose, and how the physical aspects of UFO events would fit in.
Synchronicity:
S1. UFO-related Synchronicity. For example, a perfectly mundane airplane or
helicopter could be mistook for a UFO. Yet, two or more separated observers
made the same mistake, reporting a UFO with similar descriptions that would not
fit the actual “real” object in the sky. In this case, it seems that we would be
dealing with a case of synchronicity, misunderstood by both debunkers and
ETHers as a random coincidence, and an illusion, respectively. There might have
been an optical illusion involved, and yet there might have been a meaningful
coincidence involved too. In such a case, it is by interviewing the witnesses
about other things going in their life and surrounding (e.g. both witnesses
dreaming of UFOs beforehand, bumping by accident into the other witness, etc.)
that one can identify if there is indeed a synchronicity. It was what Jung had,
mostly, in mind when discussing UFOs in his famous book Flying
Saucers: A modern myth of things seen in the skies.
Extra Sensory Perception (ESP):
E2. Shared telepathic hallucination, where there are no object per se in the sky,
but two or more witnesses see the same “hallucination”, implying some form of
telepathy involved. Berthold Schwartz in UFO Dynamics: Psychiatric and
psychic aspects of the UFO syndrome gave interesting examples of
such psi-induced shared hallucinations.
E3. Altered states of consciousness and
visionary experience, possibly
in the context of a shared event with other people or involving some form of
ESP experience such as telepathy, premonition, clairvoyance, etc. In such
situation, there might be a mundane flying object that gets “mixed up” in the
witness’ consciousness. Jenny Randles’ concept of “Oz Factor” covers many of
such cases. Some abduction experiences might also be explained in such a way
(see Brian Thompson. (1994). “Telepathy: possible telepathic spread of UFO
abduction stories”. Paper presented at Alien
Discussions: Abduction Study Conference Held at M. I. T. Harvard University).
E4. Altered states of consciousness and
visionary experience reinforced by a source of electromagnetism, such as an earthlight or ball of plasma. In
such a case, there is something physical in the sky or nearby on the ground,
even if it is of a short-live duration, involving some form of ESP experience
such as telepathy, premonition, clairvoyance, etc. The Betty and Barney Hill
story may possibly be explained in part in that way, as noted in my book Illuminations.
P5. Witnessing an exotic natural phenomena
involving a possible psychokinetic event. Paul Devereux’s personal “encounter” with an earthlight that seemed moving
as he was thinking about the object, may be a possible example of such a case,
as discussed in his book Earthlights.
Pierre Viéroudy’s experiment to create a UFO would be in the same category of
experience, as reported in his book Ces
OVNIs qui annoncent la venue du surhomme. Similarly, the mysterious healing
of Dr. X. reported by Jacques Vallée, might be another example of psychokinetic
effect. In all those cases, the “physical object” was perceived as a ball of
light of some kind.
P6. A much less frequent anomaly would be one involving the psychokinetic
movement of an object, or even an apport
or teleportation of a physical object behaving like a UFO in the sky or on
the ground. These events are very much comparable to some of the most intense
poltergeists (or RSPKs), but occurring higher in the sky. Such object could be
some form of plasma, but it could be made of other things too. Scott Rogo in The Haunted Universe reported a number
of UFO cases that seem to fit this category, including a bunch of planks and
other knick-knacks collated out of nowhere to take the shape of a UFO on the
ground (again, similar to a bunch of towels and bedsheets taking the shape of a
person during a poltergeist event).
It is important to
note that these various elements of intensity are not mutually exclusive. For
instance, a visionary experience involving a source of electromagnetism could
also be involving psychokinetic healing, like in the story of Dr. X. As well,
there is no need for a “crescendo” of intensity. UFO experiences can start at
the rarest end P6 without “passing through” any other previous stages. And
again, this scale is mostly useful in evaluating what would be the rarest form
of psi involved in a particular UFO experience. The point here is that the social
and psychological intensity required to produce a synchronicity is considered
as being less than one causing a psychokinetic effect. Hence, in investigating
a case we have a predictive tool to look for data.
Thursday, December 3, 2015
What is wrong with the Psycho-Social Hypothesis in ufology?
One of the schools of
thought in ufology is described as the so-called “psychosocial hypothesis”
(PSH). It is a loose group of writers, mostly centered on the Magonia magazine. Some of its authors are better known in
ufological circles, such as David Clark, Hilary Evans and Peter Rogerson.
Although there are some variations in their opinions, and their central point
of contention has evolved over time, they are today in agreement to say that
essentially ALL UFO events are of a mundane nature. Yet, contrary to their less
sophisticated debunking brethren, they also consider that psychological and
sociological factors are important in the understanding the overall UFO
phenomenon.
The focus
of their writings is on UFOs, so they are to be considered as ufologists,
even if they do not see anything unusual in the phenomenon. To their merit,
they highlighted a number of important, yet very problematic, points regarding
UFOs. Some of their keys points can be summarized as follow:
-
UFO events
are described by witnesses using descriptions that are “fashionable,” and such descriptions
will change as fashion changes. For instance, in the 1950s aliens were described
as coming from Venus or Mars. By the 1960s, we knew that Venus and Mars were
lifeless, and the UFO reports of aliens from Venus or Mars disappeared. The
grey aliens only became a common description after the story of Betty and
Barney Hill became famous, especially after the diffusion of a telefilm on the
topic in the early 1970s.
-
UFO events
tend to describe machines that are meaningful to a specific era: airships in
early 20th century, ghost planes and rockets in mid-20th
century, triangles in the age of stealth bombers, etc.
-
UFO
reports tend to follow ufological reporting frenzies created by ufologists in the mass
media. The wave of 1947 launched the ball for flying saucers reports until the
humanoids reporting wave started in the 1960s. Then, it became quieter until
the 1973 wave, followed by quiet times until the Roswell hysteria unfolded. The
abduction phenomenon started to peak after several key books on the topic were
published in the 1980s, etc.
-
In a
number of well-known sightings events, further investigations have shown that a
common description of events emerged after the fact and “fitting” a more
socially conducive story line, either through the influence of a particular
witness (think here how Betty Hill had an influence over Barney in interpreting
their experience), or by the wishful thinking of a ufologist (think here of
Budd Hopkins and the story of the UN Secretary-General allegedly witnessing an
alien abduction).
These issues are
well-documented and they indeed point towards the UFO phenomenon in general being an expression of larger social phenomena. The ETH ufologists have not
provided any meaningful answers to these issues, and given their simplistic and
fundamentally materialist approach I doubt they will ever come up with
any substantive answers to the issues raised by the PSH.
The real problem with
the PSH is not about the critique and questioning they have put
forward, it is about what they imply. Out of their critique of ETH ufology,
there is an implicit idea that if the UFO phenomenon is embedded in social
phenomena, then by definition there is nothing possibly anomalistic about UFOs.
This implicit idea is actually a logical fallacy, and it can only be held if
one does not understand key sociological phenomena.
PSH writers rarely use proper sociological terminology, and if they do
they never fully embrace its implications. Many of their critiques are
pointing out what should have been described as the social
construction of reality, for which the key authors are Berger and Luckmann. This is a central concept in sociology that explains why any social structures
or dynamics are essentially based on an implicit socially shared consensus. This
is true for any social forms. For example, when people talk about “science”, it is a
social construct defining the reality of "science", about what constitutes “science”
and what it does not. In the Anglosphere, “science” means natural sciences and
engineering. Yet, in different cultures like in continental Europe (Germany,
France and Italy), “science” is defined as "organized knowledge" and covers both
natural and human sciences. The consensus will vary from one culture to the
next. Hence, what is science and what it is not is a social construction that determines where its reality starts and ends.
Does this mean that
because something is socially constructed then there is nothing to it? No, of
course not. It only means that how something is defined is based on social
conventions. So, no one should be surprised if the notion of UFO is defined based on
social conventions too, like anything else. To that effect, American ufologists
tend to describe UFOs in very reductive ETH terms, whereas their European
counterparts tend to describe UFOs with much more open terminology. Hence, UFO
sightings tend to be described according to prevalent conventions, which will change
over time, but it is actually quite normal. People use words that are available to
them at a specific time. So, yes, UFOs are socially constructed; and that's no big deal!
The second problem
with the PSH’s lack of sociological terminology is that they refer essentially
only to what sociologists called “dominant narrative”, also known as “meta-narrative”
or “grand narrative”. There are many key authors in sociology studying this
phenomenon, but they tend to owe a lot to the ideas of the Germany philosopher
Jurgen Habermas.
A dominant narrative
is essentially a particular way of looking at reality which becomes the
dominant view, even if facts are not always matching. More importantly, such
dominant views are maintained and reinforced by those who benefit the most from
such perspective. A classic dominant narrative is in the realm of medicine
where only members of the medical profession (namely Medical Doctors) can speak
about health issues. Over the years, abuses by medical doctors, narrow-mindedness in refusing to consider innovative treatments, refusal to accept the
effectiveness of alternate medicine, and refusal to acknowledge patients’
rights in selecting their own treatment have all contributed to erode the
dominant narrative that “doctors know best”. But in the end, it still remains
the dominant narrative. Members of the medical profession have resisted and
protected this narrative because, obviously, their social power and monopoly
over health treatments depend on it. Dominant narratives exists in all spheres
of life, be it about science, religion, politics and governance, in defining
terrorism, etc.
Are there dominant narratives
in ufology? Of course there are, like any in other sphere of life! The main dominant
narrative is essentially the one maintained by ETH ufologists, who have a
vested interest in making sure that it is the only one perceived as valid, because
their social reputation, and sometimes livelihood, depend on it. And yet, like
any dominant narrative, the facts do not fully match. If one takes the time to look
at actual UFO reports, the variety of experiences is quite astonishing, and
oftentimes do not match at all what ETH ufologists are portraying. Hence, the
PSH writers are correct in identifying “fashions” and “coloring” of UFO events
due to the actions of ufologists and the mass media. But they are only showing the
normal dynamics that dominant narratives create when one looks only at the mass
media representations of the UFO phenomenon. The “suppressed narratives”
(i.e. the reports that are not fitting the ETH, which rarely surfacing in the public realm) provide a much more complex and diversified perspective. Again, the existence
of a dominant narrative in ufology is in no way a proof that there is nothing anomalistic
to the overall phenomenon, because it is only about how things are represented
by a few influential voices. It is also interesting to note that many PSH writers put
the caveat that they are not interested in analyzing individual cases, but just
in the “big picture”. Now you know why.
A third problem with
the PSH is the idea that particular images may shape actual sightings, for
those who venture in explaining individual cases. In such situation, one will typically
read from a PSH article that images from an obscure sci-fi magazine or B series
movie are the original images that was reported by the witnesses, speculating
that the witnesses must have seen such images before, yet without feeling the
need to prove such assertion. Here there is an implied notion that socially
shared images may have a specific psychological and cognitive effect on specific
UFO witnesses. Once again, key conceptual terminology is absent in their
analyses. In this case, however, it is much more problematic. The linkages
between sociological phenomena and psychological ones are yet to be done; establishing
a real bridge between sociology and psychology remains to this day an
incomplete task. How could the PSH proposes such explanations while the key
disciplines involved can’t!
Authors in cultural
studies, like the psychoanalyst Slavoj Zizek,
have proposed a number of ideas to bridge the two, but they all remain
speculative and unsatisfying. Before him, sociologists like Erich Fromm
produced similar unsatisfying results. Social psychology has been very
effective in studying small group interactions, but very much unable to explain
in a detailed way how larger social dynamics connect with individual psyche.
Here is an interesting article
for non-specialist on this topic.
In my opinion, there
might be one school of thought that can provide some ways to establish a partial
bridge between the two disciplines, it is Serge Moscovici’s “theory of social
representation”.
Moscovici, and those who followed his lead, studied how ideas and images become
prevalent in the popular culture of a society. His first research was on how
ideas and notions from psychoanalysis became part of the popular culture in France and
used by ordinary people. Notions such as Freudian slip of the tongue,
projection, neurotic behavior, Oedipus complex, etc., are part of the specialized
terminology of psychoanalysis which eventually became part of the common
language, oftentimes with a meaning significantly distinct from its original
psychoanalytic roots. What is key in his research is that for something to become
part of popular culture and where individuals start using such ideas or images,
there is a need for key people to actively promote such ideas and images, i.e., what
Moscovici calls the agents (usually through the mass media). As well, there is
a two-step process where such ideas and images are at first anchored in the
collective psyche and then objectified (or institutionalized). This is not a
random process. The presence of the very widespread images related to flying saucers and gray aliens can
definitely be explained through the theory of social representations. But when
it comes to pick arbitrarily an image from an obscure sci-fi comic book to
explain a particular UFO sighting, there is nothing in psychology, social
psychology or sociology to support that. In the end, the PSH is doing exactly what it accuses everybody else of doing about UFOs: explaining a
mystery by another mystery.
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